Bulgaria: Manifestazioni di protesta da 40 giorni. E' quasi guerra civile!

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Bulgaria: Manifestazioni di protesta da 40 giorni. E' quasi guerra civile!

Messaggio Da Erasmus il Dom 28 Lug 2013, 07:21

Non mi pare che i media italiani diano adeguato rilievo alla crisi politica della Bulgaria, dove le proteste e  (e anche manifestazioni  segnate da violenza) durano da 40 giorni, ed il paese sembra d'una effettiva situazione rivoluzionaria.

Segnalo un articolo di The Guardian
 => Bulgaria's 'class war'
Bulgaria's 'class war'
The long-running protests in Bulgaria are not a plot led by middle-class Soros-oids
 – they are about social alternatives
Mariya Ivancheva
 The Guardian Friday 26 july 2013 21:00 BST

Protesters build barricades outside parliament in Sofia on Wednesday. A bus full of MPs trying to get away was surrounded and its windows broken. Photograph: Reuters

On Tuesday the Bulgarian capital, Sofia, witnessed a night of violence. After 40 days of protest the National Assembly was besieged amid demands that the government resign, and police stormed the peaceful crowd. A bus full of MPs trying to get away was surrounded and its windows broken, and scores of people were wounded. The next day Mihail Mikov, chair of parliament, said that "looking for solutions within the constitution becomes increasingly difficult".

A brief look back can explain why. The collapse of Bulgaria's centre-right government in February following protests against rising electricity bills led to early elections in May. These produced a coalition of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) and the Movement for Rights and Liberties – the party supported by the Turkish minority in Bulgaria – under the prime minister, Plamen Oresharski.

Since 14 June protests have demanded Oresharski's resignation. He was elected on a pledge of popular reforms that would benefit the most economically vulnerable, but any trust in him dissipated with the appointment of Delyan Peevski as head of the state agency for national security. In the eyes of most Bulgarians the media monopolist was corruption incarnate.

The peaceful protests – which coincided with more violent events in Brazil, Turkey and Egypt – have been described as "middle class" by international media that have otherwise largely ignored them. This trope eclipses the reality of the people on the ground, who barely make ends meet on average incomes in the EU's poorest member state.

This rhetoric also exists in local narratives, both for and against the protests. The creation of a strong middle class as a result of Bulgaria's transition to liberal democracy and a free market was once the collective dream; now it is used to divide the country. Rightwing intellectuals present protesters as "intelligent", "moral", even "beautiful" and "smiling". This self-proclaimed "cultural and professional elite" presents itself as "European", "non-violent", "able to pay bills and taxes", as distinct from the "uncivilised" Bulgarians who staged the protests in February. By contrast, most protesters – public service workers and students – see all the protests as intrinsically related. They do not formulate, however, any economic demands or critique the IMF- and EU-inspired austerity and privatisation agendas – embraced by all Bulgarian governments – that led to mass unemployment and dismantled the welfare institutions of the socialist state.

The BSP and its media supporters have also used the "Sofian middle class" rhetoric to turn many Bulgarians against the protesters. They are portrayed as a part of a transnational elite network, connected to power centres in Washington and Brussels. It is alleged that the protesters are paid-up "Soros-oids"; the financier George Soros and the Open Society Institute are seen as masterminds of the protests. Oresharski's timid reforms are thus portrayed as fighting a world conspiracy against ordinary Bulgarians.

What really stands between the protesters and emancipatory politics is the neoliberal hegemony of previous decades, which emptied the collective political imagination. Protests are framed as explicitly "anti-communist" – and the "communism" of the BSP is expressed in its complicity with non-transparent privatisation deals and economic austerity. Talk of "anti-communism" stifles any real debate about economic and social alternatives. New legislative measures, meanwhile, render the emergence of new political actors increasingly difficult, and Bulgaria remains subordinated to local oligarchy and power blocs. As a consequence, the growing political and economic crisis and the precariousness of the majority of Bulgarians are addressed only by the racist far right, whose electoral power is slowly expanding.

Ciao a tutti

Messaggi : 142
Data d'iscrizione : 22.05.13
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Re: Bulgaria: Manifestazioni di protesta da 40 giorni. E' quasi guerra civile!

Messaggio Da Adam il Dom 28 Lug 2013, 08:52

Effettivamente di ciò che accade in Bulgaria la stampa nazionale ha detto poco o nulla, perciò grazie per la segnalazione.

La crisi globale che affetta il Mondo colpisce le regioni più povere e il male aggiunto è che in questi casi la forbice tra ricchezza e povertà scandalosamente si apre sempre di più.

Ma chi ce l'ha fatto di cooptare nazioni del genere nell'Unione?

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Re: Bulgaria: Manifestazioni di protesta da 40 giorni. E' quasi guerra civile!

Messaggio Da Erasmus il Dom 28 Lug 2013, 09:34

Sempre sulla difficile situazione bulgara ecco l'ultimo articolo di EUobserver.com
=> [Analysis]Bulgarians: Citizens with a cause, (saturday, 26/07/2013 20:29:04)
It has been more than 40 days now since protests started in Bulgaria's capital. But a lack of cohesiveness among protestors is allowing the government to all but ignore them.

26.07.13 @ 20:29
Bulgarians: Citizens with a cause

Anti-government protests have been going on for over 40 days (Photo: Bmw Spirit)


BRUSSELS - It has been more than 40 days now since protests started in Bulgaria's capital. Thousands hit the streets in Sofia every day to voice their frustration and disgust with the Bulgarian political establishment.

It all started on 14 June, when the parliament approved the nomination of the 32-year-old media mogul Delyan Peevski as head of the country’s powerful national security agency.

Peevski, who is also a member of parliament from the liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), was investigated for corruption as a deputy minister in a previous government in 2007. The charges were eventually dropped and he was reinstated in his post, but he is still perceived as a clear example of private interests controlling institutions and of the country's ill-functioning judiciary.

After being nominated by Prime Minister Plamen Oresharski, Peevski’s appointment was swiftly voted through by the parliament without any debate or explanation.

The public reaction was instantaneous and massive. The government – only two weeks in office – reacted quickly and cancelled the appointment, but the damage had already been done.

The truth is that, as controversial as Peevski is, his nomination is a symptom of Bulgaria's deepest problems, not the root.

This is also why it is wrong to assume that Bulgarians are demonstrating against the current government alone, led by the Socialists and the MRF.

People in Sofia have been protesting against all parties represented in the current parliament – formerly ruling centre-right GERB explicitly included – and calling on them to leave and let room for real change in Bulgaria's dysfunctional and corrupt political system.

For almost 25 years – since the communist regime fell in 1989 – the country has been ruled by a rotating system of politicians with shady links to shady economic and/or crime circles. Bulgaria's failed transition from communism has so far mostly served former communist state security networks, crime rings and oligarchies, while it has completely failed the country's citizens.

Government in denial
But despite the protesters' energy and tireless calls for change (42 days of protests during a hot Bulgarian summer is no mean feat), the government's silence has been deafening.

Ministers and MPs from ruling parties have dismissed the protesters as insignificant in number, not representative of Bulgarian society, or paid by the opposition.

Various ministers have rejected the possibility of resigning. Meanwhile, Volen Siderov, the extremist leader of far-right party Ataka, has spared no effort in trying to radicalise the demonstrators – luckily, with no success.

"The institutions do not recognise that there is a protest. Whether they (the protesters) are a majority or not – I do not know. But they are Bulgarian citizens who have been protesting for 42 days and this is not normal… I am 61 years old and I have not seen such a thing (before)," Bulgarian Ombudsman Konstantin Penchev said on Thursday, 25 July.

Penchev's comments came a day after the first clashes happened between police and protesters.

Late on Tuesday, after the adoption in parliamentary committees of a controversial revision of Budget 2013, citizens circled the National Parliament blocking inside some hundred MPs, members of the Cabinet, civil servants and journalists.

Tensions escalated when riot police attempted to escort the trapped politicians in a bus right through the crowd of protesters. Clashes followed and some ten people were reported injured.

The calm has since returned in Sofia and the protests continue in their traditionally peaceful and creative manner.

Unusually strong EU reaction
The long-lasting protests and the large number of people participating – there have been more than 10,000 people on certain days – have provoked unusually strong reactions from EU countries, as well as from the European Commission.

On 8 July the ambassadors of France and Germany published a common op-ed in one of Bulgaria's biggest dailies saying they understand Bulgarian citizens' protest against oligarchic models.

"Good governance is all Bulgarians' business. But it's also all Europeans' business: as tax payers (almost 40% of EU funds going to Bulgaria come from French and German taxpayers); because our economies are inter-dependent; and simply because our destinies are now linked," the ambassadors wrote.

Similar reactions from the Dutch and Belgian ambassadors followed, as well as from Viviane Reding, vice-president of the European Commission.

Reding, in charge of fundamental rights, also pointed to the need to maintain the EU monitoring of Bulgaria's judiciary – the so-called Cooperation and Verification Mechanism imposed on Bulgaria and Romania.

"A strong and independent justice system is not a luxury but a necessary part of public life in a country… Delivering results on the CVM is also a powerful tool to help restore the confidence of the citizens in the political and judicial institutions," she said.

What next
It is extremely difficult to predict what will happen next. A majority of analysts seem to agree that the government should resign soon and many say that new elections will be held in May next year at the latest (together with the European elections).

It is unlikely that this solve anything, however, unless bigger and more substantial change takes place.

Unfortunately, the protesters have not put forward a clear leader (or leaders) yet, nor has a new political force appeared that could bring in the much desired change.

This has allowed politicians from the biggest parties to all but ignore the protests.

A positive sign is the strong EU reaction. Moreover, the EU has a concrete tool to act. The Commission already suspended large amounts of EU funds once over Bulgaria's persistent corruption problems (during the government led by Socialist Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev in 2008).

Still, the EU "stick" is also unlikely to do the job on its own.

For change to be genuine, it must come from within. It must be sought after, fought for and achieved by Bulgarian citizens themselves.

In that respect, the undoubtedly positive energy of the protests is a very good sign.

By its sudden and hopefully irreversible awakening, the Bulgarian society has already won the battle against its sclerotic government.

But in order for it to win the war, this positive energy has to be transformed into something concrete and cohesive, bringing in new faces that have not been corrupted by the old system.

If that happens, Bulgaria's transition to actual democracy may at last move forward.

Bulgarian elections result in uncertainty
EU commission backs Bulgaria anti-corruption protests
Regional funds may be linked to pension reforms

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